Former friends of the ratty senator Cory Bernardi vowing to destroy him for his disloyalty could begin by demanding he repay taxpayers the tens of thousands of dollars it cost for him to spend three months in New York last year.
That perk — which, costing about $120,000 for two MPs, should be abolished anyway, given the major parties’ predilection for bestowing it on losers or troublemakers — is supposed to give backbenchers an insight into the workings of the UN and enable them to promote Australia’s interests in the General Assembly.
Bernardi spent a fair chunk of his time in the US cuddling up to conservatives while hatching his plan to split from the Liberals to set up a conservative party.
While they are at it, given the party’s desperate financial state, Liberals should bill him for his share of last year’s federal election campaign and any donations he received under the party banner.
That would give those thirsty for revenge short-term satisfaction, although it is no answer to the longer-term dilemma facing Liberals on how to preserve their conservative base without losing their progressive base while simultaneously appealing to the millions more in the middle.
There is nothing about Bernardi’s defection that is good for the government — unless it’s his blowing a hole in Labor’s claim that Malcolm Turnbull has been captured by the far Right — and very little that has happened over this long and restless summer has improved its standing among the electorate.
It is worth remembering that two years ago today, a prime minister elected a scant 18 months earlier with a handsome majority beat off a spill motion by backbenchers Don Randall (who died a few months later) and Luke Simpkins (who lost his seat last year), in despair about Tony Abbott’s behaviour, not knowing or caring if anyone would challenge, partly hoping it would shock Abbott into changing his method of operation and reforming his dysfunctional office.
Months later, Malcolm Turnbull was Prime Minister after a majority of Liberal MPs decided Abbott wasn’t up to the job. That sentiment has not altered one iota, no matter the number of government MPs unnerved, frustrated or angered by bad news quickly followed by even worse news.
There is a modicum of tolerance for former prime ministers protecting their legacy. It falls to zero when it transforms into wrecking. Abbott has grown nakedly defiant and increasingly confident that he will reclaim the leadership. However, even senior Liberal MPs who were once solid Abbott backers now concede there is no coming back for him. He has crossed the line and his constant criticisms, in what is an increasingly crowded market, are damaging the government.
Abbott’s latest jab at Turnbull for failing to prevent Bernardi’s defection ignores the fact that Bernardi dismissed pleas from even his oldest and closest friends to stay. As much as Bernardi dislikes Turnbull, he is no friend of Abbott’s. He does not believe he should be reinstalled as leader and holds him responsible — hotly denied by Abbott — for leaks last year that Bernardi has complained privately were designed to force a premature announcement of his divorce from the Liberals.
Bernardi, who has built what little profile he has attacking his own side, timed it to cause maximum damage to the government and to Turnbull, and to boost himself, not Abbott.
Turnbull has been Prime Minister for almost the same time as Abbott when he fought that spill. While Turnbull faces no such threat, he does need to be on full alert, because it is possible for a crisis to destroy a prime minister yet still leave him in office.
Some of the things that went wrong from the time parliament rose to the time it resumed on Tuesday were not Turnbull’s fault, some were; but there is no mood or the stomach for change, despite the wishful thinking of some that there is and the desire of others for things to be done better, particularly the politics. There is, except for a small minority, a realisation internally that the government’s only hope for survival is to back Turnbull, to do whatever they can to make sure he succeeds, because another change, even if there were a viable challenger, would spell death.
“We would have a relaxing few years while we waited for the ship to hit the iceberg,” one frontbencher observed. They are not complaining, but they are watching the dream run Pauline Hanson receives from sections of the media, particularly in her home state of Queensland, then when the little foxes come out at night. Nowadays around parliament, Sky is known as Fox after dark.
Undoubtedly Turnbull and Treasurer Scott Morrison, who is attracting more internal grumbles than the Prime Minister, would do better if they started winning the economic arguments against Labor. And they need to destroy Bill Shorten. Turnbull — taunted repeatedly by Shorten as Mr Harbourside Mansion — finally began the process yesterday with a sizzling attack on the Opposition Leader, describing him as a sycophantic social climber who had put his knees under more billionaires’ tables than any other union leader. The time for pussyfooting around has finished. Government ministers need to go in harder, faster, smarter. They have to stay focused and stamp out practices killing mainstream politicians.
The latest reforms to MPs’ entitlements, now hopefully sorted at long last by Scott Ryan, would not have prevented Sussan Ley’s departure because her actions occurred under the previous regime, but the sight of politicians maxing out on perks while the government was cutting pensions, changing superannuation (both of which hit the Liberals’ base) and cracking down on welfare, plus failing to gain ascendancy on the economic narrative, combined to drive down the government’s numbers.
The only thing wrong with Turnbull’s $1.75 million donation to the Liberal Party was the handling of its disclosure. It should have been dropped well before his speech to provide some clear air as he sought a reset on an issue that government insiders believe could win them the next election, assuming they can stay disciplined long enough to keep the focus on energy security, before Labor can soften its policy.
Definitely not Turnbull’s fault was the blow-up with Donald Trump. Turnbull behaved like a prime minister, holding firm to a deal that qualifies as payment for services already rendered to the US. Trump behaved like a pig. The truly shameful aspect was the number of people here — Right and Left — praying for a deal that was clearly in Australia’s interests to collapse, either because they wanted to see the government generally or Turnbull personally damaged. There has been a lot of that. It will not abate; in fact, it will intensify. If he acts quickly he is panicked; if he waits, he is a ditherer.
He has to concentrate on core business: cut deals to pass his agenda by schmoozing the crossbenchers, prepare a credible budget, keep his political radar tuned for the next crisis, because it will happen. And he has to smash Labor. Easy.
