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Chinese Surveillance, page-9

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    The video you posted was impressive but it doesn't provide any evidence of whether they have sophisticated video analytics (based on either CNN's or SNN's). The video only proves they have very good facial/object recognition software that all.

    In regard to Chinese Surveillance the following article gives me the impression that their system has largely been designed from the ground up using people power. Just lots of grid workers scanning lots of CCTV monitors.

    China.JPG
    http://www.theaustralian.com.au/new...l/news-story/7dfdf3fef86da6b8203c6acba3840539
    The massive building site for the third stage of the China World centre in Beijing, including the city’s tallest tower, is surrounded by hoardings featuring shiny new slogans for China’s reborn communist era.
    The Party is Good and the People are Happy,” shouts one; another, “You Only Have a Family If You Have a Country.”
    President Xi Jinping, Xi Dada (Uncle Xi), is accelerating the adoption of an extraordinary new system of social control — of both real and virtual worlds — equipping party and country together to scrutinise every action, and expressed thought, of every person living in China.
    Thus, as those slogans anticipate, families in effect are to be brought into being and nurtured through their identification with the state and alignment with its aims, and individuals who demonstrate stability and loyalty are to be licensed to be happy — celebrating the party’s own continuing purge of elements deemed corrupt.
    There are two arms of this innovative micro-surveillance. The core Chinese word for both is wang, which can mean a grid and a net, as also used in internet.

    First, through grid management, a supervisor is responsible for every minute facet of life for 200 families in the country. All families and individuals living in such an area — including foreigners, migrant workers and retirees — are grouped together as a “grid” crisscrossed by comprehensive CCTV coverage.
    The grid manager networks with police, neighbourhood party committees and all key social agencies to maintain 24-hour-a-day scrutiny of their charges, those who occupy that zone.
    This comprises a government-run, pre-emptive Neighbourhood Watch structure on steroids.
    Second, through an extraordinarily ambitious system called “social credit”, Big Data in the cloud is farmed to compile digital records for every individual, calculating their personal rating that will decide their lifestyle, economic and political entitlements, as well as activities and occupations to which they will be denied access.
    Every internet service provider in China is required already to provide the authorities, if asked, with the true details of the name and Chinese identity card or foreign passport number of every person who posts any message via any social media — with anyone’s use of the internet susceptible to monitoring if needed.
    At the start of this year, 1.28 billion mobile phones were registered to China’s population of 1.38 billion.
    All telecommunication companies are state owned, and the location of all phone users potentially can be made available to the authorities, helping grid managers to chart any travel or activities by those they are surveying — activities that may be perceived as destabilising.
    The system began in the Dongcheng district of Beijing, which 11 years ago installed 1652 grids to monitor physical issues — such as electricity boxes or public toilets — that might need fixing.
    Shanghai next started to adopt the experiment.
    The central government reviewed the system, and identified its huge potential for surveying and controlling the people within the grids too, to realise its core aim of weiwen, maintaining stability.
    In July 2011, the Communist Party and State Council issued the document To Reinforce Social Management, instructing all districts to install the grid management system.
    It is only now, however, under the purposeful Xi, that the system is finally being embedded nationwide, with Xi publicly endorsing it in speeches, statements and at conferences.
    Before 9/11, before the global financial crisis, Brexit and Donald Trump, the rest of the world might have expressed shock at these Chinese programs.
    But others in global positions of responsibility increasingly are looking at China as a prospective source of new models for development and governance, as the West thrashes around in transition.
    And with al-Qa’ida, Islamic State and their spin-offs and international disciples posing a continuing threat, states especially are seeking effective ways to contain terrorism.
    The comparative lack in China of the kind of incidents resulting from religious extremism that have proliferated elsewhere naturally arouses interest among global authorities.
    Fu Zhenghua, the vice-minister of Public Security, declared at a conference in June the launch of “a people’s war against terrorism”.
    In Beijing alone, 100,000 people — within a city of 22 million, almost the population of Australia — are being mobilised, via party loyalty and pay, to collect information about terrorism and other sources of threat to the authorities, and to report it to the new grid managers via their mobile phones.
    Ai Xiaoming, a professor at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, tells The Australian: “The grid management system has been developed with the aim of tightening control, including of people who are critical of the government.”
    It is emerging, she says, from the modernisation of the hukou system that has been a feature of China since ancient times but is starting to be dismantled as incompatible with a large, flexible, 21st-century economy.
    A hukou is a record of where a person is registered to live. Increasingly, people have been allowed to shift from their hukou district for work — the driving force for China’s development into the factory of the world — but still cannot claim civic entitlements, including healthcare and schooling, in that new location.
    In the early communist years, people were also corralled within their danwei, their work unit, which also contained their home, clinic, school, social centre and where they retired.
    The danwei was mostly supplanted in the “opening and reform” period of the late 20th century, as people were freed to find their own jobs and to rent or buy their own homes.
    The hukou is now on the way out, too, as a constraint on a rational modern economy.
    But if people are freed to shift around China, this leaves the authorities anxious as to the potentially destabilising results. What if a troublemaking individual or group arrives in a new area? Who would pick that up, who would act to constrain them?
    On a more positive note, what if someone suffers a severe problem and has no one to help them, preventing an outburst of resentment?
    The new answer is: the grid and its manager, utterly contemporary in being nimble and pervasive.
    Ai says: “Under this system, people with opinions that differ from the state are often ‘invited for tea’ by police or other security officers, who will often show them printouts of transcripts of their private phone or online conversations, and ask them to explain what they were talking about and why.

    For dissidents and people who petition the government about their problems, the grid system often seems like a black hole in which they go missing.
    For instance, for a fortnight his family and friends have not been able to find a human rights lawyer, Jiang Tianyong.
    The grid is meant to locate everybody — but some go mysteriously missing within it.”

    mce-anchor The grid is described officially as “a living map” about which the manager must maintain constantly updated, comprehensive information, including who leaves the physical grid, where to and why, and who comes into the grid, for instance to visit someone, and again why, and for data maintenance.
    This requires constant communication with other grid managers to exchange news.
    The managers must know the potential risks — to and from the people who live there including drivers of anger, even the risks from their pets, and from the physical nature of the neighbourhood such as health or road hazards, as well as co-ordinating fire prevention.
    If they are unable to mitigate or eradicate such risks, they must report them to higher government or party officials.
    The managers work from a small office that may double up, for instance, for district policing. They recruit supporters and informers from within their areas of control, and they attend training sessions and conferences.
    They are expected to carry out a personal, physical walk-around inspection of their neighbourhood every day as well as keeping watch on the CCTV monitors.
    The Kashgar Daily in Xinjiang autonomous region reports that grid management stations are being introduced in Makit country, for instance, so there will be “no blind spots and no blank spaces”.
    On its own website, Baita district authority in Liaoyang city, Liaoning province in the northeast, states that grid districts are now “the main battleground of stability maintenance. Their staff work face-to-face alongside local police, including taking full responsibility for managing people who petition the authorities.”
    Luo Shaoxia, the party secretary of Wuling, a district of Changde city in Hunan province, describes each of his district’s 577 grids as “like a cell, with the local party committee as its nucleus organising the cell’s every movement, keeping it healthy”.
    Last edited by cyberworks: 26/09/17
 
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