marc faber on commodity prices

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    History Repeating


    By Marc Faber
    www.DailyReckoning.com
    Tuesday, October 19, 2004


    Investors should never forget the lessons of the South
    Sea Bubble and John Law's experiment with paper
    money, as discussed in Friday's Reckoning. The
    Mississippi Scheme in particular is relevant to the
    current situation in the United States; in fact, there
    are several lessons contemporary investors can
    learn from John Law's rise and ultimate demise.

    It is true that Law's policies were initially a great
    success, boosting the French economy considerably.
    In fact, at his peak in 1719, Law was one of the most
    admired personalities in continental Europe. But the
    Mississippi Scheme failed, and Law fell from grace
    because the Banque Royale held for too long the firm
    belief that it could solve every problem simply by
    increasing the supply of paper money. When Law
    finally realized that the enemy was a loss in
    confidence in paper money and accelerating inflation,
    the damage had already been done.

    There will surely be a time when the present "chain
    letter" type of fiat money operation practiced by the
    U.S. Federal Reserve Board will similarly no longer
    work and lead to a sharp depreciation of the U.S.
    dollar. The other possibility, of course, is that the
    dollar begins to depreciate, not compared to foreign
    currencies, but -- as was also the case at the time
    of John Law -- against commodities and real assets.

    In my article "The South Sea Bubble and Law's
    Mississippi Scheme" --


    http://www.dailyreckoning.com/body_headline.cfm?id=3480


    -- we look at how the excessive money supply
    creation by the Banque Royale led to soaring
    prices for commodities and real estate as the
    French public realized that the banknotes were
    depreciating in value.

    Concerning real estate, it is very common for prices
    to continue to rise for some time after a stock
    market bubble has burst, for two reasons. Once
    speculators realize that stocks have hit a peak,
    they shift their funds to another object of
    speculation. In other words, when the world is
    engulfed in a wave of speculation, the wave doesn't
    end abruptly, but tends to carry on for a while and
    spreads to assets other than equities, such as real
    estate, commodities, art, etc.

    Furthermore, toward the end of a speculative stock
    market bubble, the smart investors and (especially
    in the case of the recent high-tech bubble) corporate
    insiders realize that prices have shot up too much
    and bear little resemblance to the underlying
    fundamentals. Therefore, they shift and diversify part
    or all of their funds into assets that didn't participate
    in the whirlwind of speculation and are consequently
    absolutely, or at least relatively, "cheap."

    Thus, real estate prices continued to rise in Japan
    throughout 1990, for example, although the stock
    market had already topped out on Dec. 29, 1989.
    And in the case of Australia, real estate prices
    continued to rise for another two years after its
    stock market peaked out in the summer of 1987.

    Although real estate prices can stay strong for
    some time after a bubble bursts, as money shifts
    from liquid assets into real assets, in due course,
    some kind of a bubble also occurs in real estate,
    because the property market becomes -- in the
    absence of a strong stock market -- the only game
    in town. As a result, real estate prices eventually
    also succumb to the forces of demand and supply
    and then follow the declining trend of equity prices.

    The Mississippi Scheme and the South Sea Bubble
    are also interesting from another point of view. The
    wave of speculation in the period of 1717-1720
    spread across the entire European continent, and
    the subsequent crisis was international in scope.
    The initial success of the Mississippi Company
    attracted investors from Britain to Paris, where
    they speculated in the company's shares. At the
    same time, many investors from the continent
    also bought shares in the South Sea Company
    and other hot new issues in London.

    In early 1720, a bizarre reallocation of assets
    seems to have taken place among international
    investors. As we have seen, the shares of the
    Mississippi Company began to collapse in January
    1720, but in London, the shares of the South Sea
    Company had only begun to take off. In other
    words, British and international investors were in
    no way perturbed by the collapse of Law's scheme.
    In fact, in London, the view was that the scheme
    had collapsed because of a political conspiracy
    against Law, since he was of Scottish origin.

    However, in the summer of 1720, just as the South
    Sea stock peaked out, speculators moved funds
    from England to Holland and Hamburg in order to
    speculate on continental European insurance
    companies. I mention this because once excess
    liquidity has been created, money will flow from
    one sector or country to another very quickly and
    can lead to a series of new bubbles somewhere
    else.

    For today's investor, however, the most interesting
    effect of excess liquidity creation is perhaps found
    in commodity prices. In the future, just as during
    the Mississippi Scheme, a bull market in
    commodities is a distinct possibility and could
    exceed investors' expectations. I have no doubt
    that the Federal Reserve Board will continue to
    flush the economy with liquidity, which at some
    point could spill over considerably into the
    commodities markets, as it did during the
    Mississippi Scheme, and also in the late 1960s,
    which led to a sharp rise in the price of commodities
    and real assets.

    In particular, I want to emphasize that commodity
    prices can increase sharply under any economic
    scenario, provided that there is excessive money
    and credit creation and that investors' confidence
    in financial assets is shaken. Take the early 1970s,
    when commodity prices soared, even as the global
    economy headed for the worst recession since the
    1930s. Even more impressive than the rise in the
    CRB Index was the performance of agricultural
    commodity prices. From their lows in 1968-69 to
    their highs in 1973-74, wheat rose by 465 percent,
    soybean oil by 638 percent, cotton by 317 percent,
    corn by 295 percent, and sugar by 1,290 percent.

    Or take the deflationary Depression years of the
    1930s. At the time, the price of silver had been in
    a bear market since 1919, but made a first bottom
    at 25.75 cents on Feb. 16, 1931, and a marginal
    new low on Dec. 29, 1932, at 24.25 cents. From
    there, however, silver prices advanced to 81 cents
    in 1935, for a gain of more than three times their
    lows. In addition, if an investor bought silver in
    1929 instead of the Dow Jones, which was then
    above 300, by 1980, when silver hit $50, he would
    have realized a profit of close to 200 times,
    whereas by 1980, the Dow was up by less than
    three times its 1929 peak.

    The most dramatic commodity bull markets all
    originated after extended bear markets, such as
    we have had since 1980 and which accelerated
    on the downside following the Asian crisis and
    again in 2001, when it became clear that the
    global economy was in trouble. At issue is the
    fact that off their lows -- whenever these lows
    occurred -- commodity prices experienced
    dramatic upward moves within brief periods.

    If the global economy doesn't improve dramatically,
    it is likely that commodity prices will be boosted,
    because of further liquidity injections by the
    monetary authorities as well as expansionary
    fiscal policies. Moreover, if the U.S. economy and
    the investment climate for financial assets in the
    United States don't improve, it is likely that the
    U.S. dollar will weaken even more.

    Now consider this: Investors have little faith in
    either the euro or the yen. Therefore, if in the future
    international investors lose confidence in U.S. dollar
    assets, where will they go with their liquidity?

    Take as an example the Asian central banks whose
    assets are concentrated in U.S. dollars and who
    only hold about 3 percent of their reserves in gold
    (down from 30 percent in 1980). If the day should
    come when their faith in the U.S. dollar is shaken,
    will they pile into euros or the yen? Possibly, but it
    is also conceivable that, given the less-than-stellar
    fundamentals for these currencies, a diversification
    into gold will be considered.

    As a holder of gold shares and physical gold myself,
    I sincerely hope that there will be genuine deflation
    in the domestic price level in the United States. In
    this case, the economic mess will be complete, as
    the default rate among corporate borrowers will soar.
    At the same time, the confidence and blind faith of
    investors in the omnipotence of Mr. Greenspan will
    finally collapse and lead to a panic. That in such
    an environment gold prices could go through the roof
    isn't difficult to envision.

    With or without inflation, investors should therefore
    continue to accumulate gold and silver shares and
    a basket of commodity futures.

 
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